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21.
Eva Traut-Mattausch Stephanie Guter Mark P. Zanna Eva Jonas Dieter Frey 《Social Justice Research》2011,24(1):25-42
A considerable number of individuals show resistance to reform, whereas others, although similarly affected, do not react
in a resistant way at all. Based on research showing that people differ concerning how sensitive they are toward being a victim
of injustice (victim justice sensitivity), we argued that people high in victim justice sensitivity perceive a reform more
as an illegitimate limitation to their freedom resulting in more reactance. Consequently, people high in victim justice sensitivity
should show more resistance to reform. We conducted three studies to test these assumptions. Our studies revealed that physicians
(healthcare reform, Study 1) and students (introduction of tuition fees, Studies 2 and 3) with higher victim justice sensitivity
experienced more reactance and thus showed more resistance to reform. The implications of these results for the implementation
of political reforms are discussed. 相似文献
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Jonas Wolff 《Democratization》2013,20(5):998-1026
In the liberal concept of a ‘democratic civil peace’, an idealistic understanding of democratic stabilization and pacification prevails: democracy is seen to guarantee political stability and social peace by offering comprehensive representation and participation in political decisions while producing outcomes broadly in accordance with the common interest of society. This contrasts with the procedural quality and the material achievements of most, if not all, really existing democracies. South America is paradigmatic. Here, the legitimation of liberal democracy through both procedure and performance is weak and yet ‘third wave democracies’ have managed to survive even harsh economic and political crises. The article presents a conceptual framework to analyse historically specific patterns of democratic stabilization and pacification. Analyses of the processes of socio-political destabilization and re-stabilization in Argentina and Ecuador since the late 1990s show how a ‘de-idealized’ perspective on the democratic civil peace helps explain the viability of democratic regimes that systematically deviate from the ideal-type conditions for democratic survival that have been proposed in the literature. 相似文献
26.
Marija Jakubeniene Algimantas Irnius Gregoire Abi Chaker Jonas Mindaugas Paliulis Antanas Bechelis 《Forensic Science International Supplement Series》2009,190(1-3):87-90
The identification of hypothermia as cause of the death was always quite problematic in the field of forensic medicine. The aim of the present study was to verify the determination of calcium content in post-mortem liver, heart, and skeletal muscle samples as the biochemical marker defining hypothermia as the cause of death. The study involved 43 autopsy cases in which the circumstances of death indicated the effects of overcooling. The control group consisted of material collected from the corpses of 30 persons who were not exposed to low temperatures but died due to technical injuries (n = 5), asphyxia (n = 6), intoxication with ethanol and other substances (n = 8), and acute myocardial infarction/ischemia (n = 11). The concentration of calcium in autopsy samples was determined applying flame atomic absorption spectroscopy. Our study showed no significant differences of calcium content in tissues of persons who died due to hypothermia, over those who died in normothermic conditions. 相似文献
27.
This study compares prison physical victimization rates (inmate-on-inmate and staff-on-inmate) for people with mental disorder to those without mental disorder in a state prison system. Inmate subjects were drawn from 14 adult prisons operated by a single mid-Atlantic State. A sample of 7,528 subjects aged 18 or older (7,221 men and 564 women) completed an audio-computer administered survey instrument. Mental disorder was based on self-reported mental health treatment ever for particular mental disorders. Approximately one-quarter of the sample reported some prior treatment for schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, depression, PTSD, or anxiety disorder. Rates of physical victimization for males with any mental disorder were 1.6 times (inmate-on-inmate) and 1.2 times (staff-on-inmate) higher than that of males with no mental disorder. Female inmates with mental disorder were 1.7 times more likely to report being physically victimized by another inmate than did their counterparts with no mental disorder. Overall, both males and females with mental disorder are disproportionately represented among victims of physical violence inside prison. 相似文献
28.
Violence and victimization inside the prison setting are accepted as facts, although the facts about their prevalence remain uncertain. Variation in the methods used to estimate rates of sexual and physical victimization contribute to the wide range in estimates appearing in the prison literature. This article focuses on the questions used in the prison victimization literature to elicit information on victimization from inmates, compared to questions used in the general victimization literature. The questions used in the National Violence Against Women and Men Surveys are used to estimate sexual and physical victimization rates for an entire prison system. Rates of victimization were found to vary significantly by specificity of the question, definition of perpetrator, and clustering of behaviors. Facts about victimization inside prison will become more certain when the methodology becomes more standardized and consistent with definitions of victimization. 相似文献
29.
Coalitions in European Union Negotiations 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Ole Elgström Bo Bjurulf Jonas Johansson & Anders Sannerstedt 《Scandinavian political studies》2001,24(2):111-128
Coalitions will probably become an increasingly important theme in European Union (EU) politics. The spread of decision making by majority voting promotes coalition‐building behaviour. The impending enlargement is predicted to differentiate and polarize policy standpoints within the EU. Increasing levels of policy conflict imply increased propensities for coalition building. Still, the role and nature of coalitions in EU negotiations are obscure. This article raises important research questions: What characterizes coalition building in the EU? How important are coalitions? What coalition patterns are discernible?Using data from a questionnaire to Swedish participants on EU committees, it is shown that coalitions are more frequent when majority voting occurs than when unanimity rules. Coalition behaviour is, however, important also under unanimity. The existence of consensus norms diminishes the propensity to form coalitions. As regards coalition patterns, there is a prevalence of coalitions based on policy interests and/or on cultural affinity. Contrary to conventional wisdom, consistent and durable coalition patterns seem to exist. The north–south divide is one such persistent pattern. The Swedish respondents thus reveal a close cooperation between the Nordic member states and Great Britain, whereas France and Spain are seldom approached for coalition‐building purposes. As to future research, evidence from other member states and from case studies is needed in order to learn more about the bases for coalition building in EU negotiations. 相似文献
30.
ABSTRACT Solar radiation management (SRM) has been proposed as a means of mitigating climate change. Although SRM poses new risks, it is sometimes proposed as the ‘lesser evil’. I consider how research and implementation of SRM could be regulated, drawing on what I call a ‘precautionary checklist’, which includes consideration of the longer term political implications of technical change. Particular attention is given to the moral hazard of ‘regulatory drift’, in which strong initial regulation softens through complacency, deliberate deregulation (‘regulatory gift’) and the limited constituency of people with the skills to regulate (‘thin markets’). I propose the strengthening of civil society groups to keep regulators in check. 相似文献